Part D. THE
GLOBAL CONTEXT OF OUR SECOND TRANSITION
An
internationalist movement
113. Strategy and Tactic notes that from its inception the ANC
evolved as part of the
progressive
forces in the world in the struggle against colonialism, racism, poverty,
underdevelopment
and gender oppression. It contributed towards the progressive
forces, as
well as learning from other struggles and experiences. The movement
contributed
to the modern-day narrative of revolution: participatory democracy, gender
equality,
human rights, social justice, non-racialism, freedom, self-determination and
human
solidarity.
114. While the ANC was formed as an organised political
response of the Africans to military
defeat in
their disparate wars of resistance to colonial conquest, its founders soon came
to the
recognition that the anti-colonial struggle in Africa was part and parcel of
the
world-wide
struggle for a peaceful, just, equitable and humane world. During the
century of
its evolution, the ANC became a champion of progressive internationalism and
a disciplined
force of the left on the African continent.
Globalisation
115. South Africa started its political transition in 1994 in
the midst of a new era of
globalisation.
This era is characterised by a global economy that had the following
central
features (7). Firstly, it was kick-started by breakthroughs in new technologies
(micro-electronics,
computing, telecommunications, optic-electronics and biogenetic
engineering)
and secondly by informationalism made possible by these technologies.
Used together
or in combination, these technologies (and the advances in transport)
raised
knowledge and information to a new and central position in the historical
development
of capital. As a result, core economic activities became internationalised,
such as
financial markets and highly mobile capital, high value-added exports,
transnational
corporations (TNCs), science and technology, and the markets for high
skilled
labour.
116. The structure of global production also changed, with
corporations becoming
transnational,
by outsourcing production, in the process producing a single product from
different
components manufactured in different parts of the world. Thus globalisation
refers to a
set of processes that makes parts of the world increasingly integrated, with
interdependent
firms, production is linked on a global scale, there is a dramatic increase
in trade, and
national economies are linked.
117. These developments in the global economy, however, should
not only be described
simply in
terms of economic integration. What has also occurred is a ‘qualitative shift
in
the mode of
social organisation’, with speculative finance capital using globally uniform
indicators of
creditworthiness to decide which firms and governments can borrow money
and on which
terms, with enormous power not only in transnational corporations, but in
what is
called a ‘new global ruling class’.
118. The changes in the global economy and social organisation
also took place in the context of and were shaped by the hegemony of the
ideological paradigm of neoliberalism. In part a response to Keynesian economic
thinking, but building on earlier liberal theorists,
neoliberalism
proclaims a fundamentalist faith in the efficiency of markets. Therefore its
policy
prescripts are liberalisation, free trade and a limited role of the state. Only
what
has
efficiency has value, with the market and its ‘laws’ as the sole criteria for
efficiency.
All other
ethical criteria are devalued as inefficient. Neo-liberalism is therefore
grounded
on the
radical rejection of all other alternatives; problems with the impact of its
prescripts
are not because of its assumptions, but because of implementation
deficiencies.
Thus “if there is unemployment and social exclusion, if there is starvation
and death in
the periphery of the world system, that is not the consequences of the
deficiencies
or limits of the laws of the market; these result rather from the fact that
such laws
have not yet been fully applied” (8). Thus states (especially in the developing
world),
according to this paradigm, have no alternatives but to play by ‘global rules’
determined by
the powerful; their autonomy is restricted and their policy options limited.
119. A recurrence of crisis in the global system (Asia,
followed by Argentina) and evidence
from the
Asian developmental states, as well as the rise of the so-called
antiglobalisation
movement and
work by progressive intellectuals worldwide, have
challenged
this hegemony throughout the last two decades.
120. South Africa’s transition took place at the height of this
paradigm, a paradigm that
influenced,
shaped and constrained our policy choices.
A crisis of
capitalism?
121. The ANC marks its first centenary in a period in which the
world is experiencing
profound and
potentially seismic shifts. These developments include a multiple crisis
unfolding in
the heart of the global capitalist economy, the USA and Eurozone; a major
shift in
global production and consumption that is the driving force of the dramatic
rise
of the
developing economies; growth in the global population; and potentially
catastrophic
environmental degradation and climate change.
122. Let us first examine the multiple crises of modern-day
capitalism. The ANC was born into a world dominated by rampant western
imperialism, saw the rise and fall of socialist
states, and
came into power in an era of triumphalist neo-liberal capitalism. At the start
of its second
century of existence, capitalism is going through multiple crises – financial,
economic,
systemic, intellectual, ecological and moral. Capitalism faces a “civilizational
crisis” of
unprecedented proportions. What do we mean?
123. In his 1956 treatise, “The
Anti-capitalist Mentality”, Ludwig von Mises propagated this
argument
around the “civilizing mission” of western capitalism:
“The characteristic feature of modern capitalism is
mass production of goods destined for
consumption by the masses. The result is a tendency
towards a continuous improvement
in the average standard of living, a progressing
enrichment of the many. Capitalism
deproletarianizes the ‘common man’ and elevates him to
the rank of ‘bourgeois’…It is the
ascension of the multitude in which the radical social
change brought about by the
‘Industrial Revolution’ consists. Those underlings who
in all the preceding ages of history
had formed the herds of slaves and serfs, of paupers
and beggars, became the buying
public, for whose favour the businessmen canvass. They
are the customers who are
‘always right’, the patrons who have the power to make
poor suppliers rich and rich
suppliers poor”.
124. During the 19th and
20th centuries, capitalism was presented
as the best and most
efficient and
rational way of organising society and ordering social and economic
relations in
line with changing human needs. The major advances in culture, science,
technology
and general improvement in standards of living have been attributed to the
dynamic
nature and ‘civilizing mission’ of capitalism. Any critique of the logic and
limits
of capitalism
was countered with all arsenals and by all means necessary. The collapse
of ‘existing
socialism’ and the end of the Cold War in the late 1980s was hailed as the
irreversible
triumph of the capitalist system. According to Francis Fukuyama (The End of
History and
The Last Man, 1990), the 1990s marked a historic era in which capitalism
had
established itself, irrefutably, as the optimum mode of social and economic
organisation
that held better prospects for human progress.
125. However, the first decade of the 21st century represents a different reality. Neo-liberal
capitalism
faces a new and deeper crisis. The triumphalism of the last two decades of
the 20th century has faded and a new period of
uncertainty and vulnerability has begun.
Public
debates about whether capitalism will survive the current crisis abound.
126. The G20 leaders issued a statement after their Summit in
April 2009 that captured the
situation as
follows:
“We face the greatest challenge to the world economy
in modern times; a crisis which
has deepened since we last met, which affects the
lives of women, men and children of
every country, and which all countries must join
together to resolve. A global crisis
requires a global solution.”
127. The
World Bank’s most recent Report on Global Economic Prospects (January 2012),
paints a very
dire picture of the past year:
“The global economy is at a very difficult juncture.
The financial system of the largest
economic bloc in the world is threatened by a fiscal
and financial crisis that so far eluded
policymakers’ efforts to contain it. Outside of
Europe, high-income country growth,
though strengthening, remains weak in historical
perspective…These are not auspicious
circumstances, and despite the significant measures
taken, the possibility of a further
escalation of the crisis in Europe cannot be ruled
out. Should this happen, the ensuing
global downturn is likely to be deeper and
longer-lasting than the recession of 2008/2009
because countries do not have the fiscal and monetary
space to stimulate the global
economy or support the financial system to the same
degree as they did in 2008/2009…
No country or no region will escape the consequences
of a serious downturn.”
128. The combined impact of the global financial crisis, the
food and fuel crises, the effects of global warming, the increasing
militarisation of UN interventions and simultaneous rise of
extremist
movements has far-reaching implications for humanity. Human survival,
progress and
security stand at the crossroads. Thus there is an emerging consensus
across the
world about the need to return to notions such as ‘shared growth’ and
‘regulated
markets’, which were obliterated by neo-liberalism. The chronic and
unprecedented
nature of the current global crisis is widely acknowledged.
The
developing world
129. What is happening in the developing world? What are the
implications of the shift in
global
production and consumption away from the developed western countries to the
developing
world? What are the long-term implications of this shift?
130. There is a major shift in economic and political power
towards emerging economies that have formed an economic bloc composed of
Brazil, Russia, India, China and, recently,
South Africa
(BRICS). The BRICS countries have the following potential and power that
will have a
decisive impact on the future:
• These
countries already hold 41% of global foreign exchange reserves.
• By
2030 (if not earlier), BRICS countries will rival G7 in the size of their
economies.
China will
become the largest economy, the US will fall second and India will be
third. Brazil
will overtake Japan as the fourth. Already, China has overtaken Japan in
2010 and
Brazil has overtaken both the United Kingdom and France much earlier
than
expected.
• New
companies from BRICS countries are taking their place as players and leaders.
Sixty-two of
the Fortune Global 500 companies are from BRIC countries, especially
state-owned
companies in the energy, telecoms and financial sector.
• Forty-three
percent of the world population already resides in the BRIC countries,
excluding
South Africa. The new workforce – younger and more skilled – is going to
come from the
developing world due to the ageing population of Europe and the US.
131. The hegemony of the Bretton Woods prescriptive paradigm is
therefore not as rock-solid as it was during the start of our transition. This
has been in part as a result of evidence
from Asia
countries about the role of the developmental state in driving their economic
miracles; in
part because of the emergence of the anti-globalisation movement and
expressed in
the movement of movements, the World Social Forum; and finally because
of the worst
global crisis since the Great Depression. This has also seen the emergence
of other
concepts such as ‘state capitalism’ to describe alternatives to the dominant
Western
models of capitalism.
132. In our lifetime, we are therefore witnessing seismic
shifts in global economic and
political
power relations. The transition to a world dominated by economies other than
western
industrialised countries is underway. Thus, the West can no longer unilaterally
determine the
global economic (and therefore also the political) agenda. The G8 has to
large extent
made way for the G20, contributing towards greater multi-polarity.
133. We should however be careful about not overstating the
potential impact of these
economic
shifts on global geopolitics. While economic power may be shifting, the US
military
strength is still greater than the next 10 powers combined. We will therefore
continue to
have strong elements of uni-polarity, even in the context of an unfolding
multi-polarity.
The state of
the left and global progressive forces
134. These developments have opened greater space for
progressive alternatives, but much
of the global
left have either abandoned left projects and ideas after the collapse of the
Soviet Union (or
chosen the path of Third Way-ism), or have been slow to make use of
the space and
provide alternative visions. Our assessment of the Socialist International
should also
be informed by this search for global progressive alternatives.
135. What is particularly baffling is that the European left
has been losing elections more
comprehensively
than ever before in the midst of the global economic and financial crisis
– there is a
meltdown of the left all over Europe during the recent financial meltdown.
Rightwing
parties have been the beneficiaries of the current crisis. The disarray in the
left is a
result of the intellectual and moral vacuum created by the absence of a robust
and
compelling alternative to neo-liberalism.
136. The most vocal alternatives, if not entirely coherent,
come from the counter-hegemonic, social and union movements. These movements,
although clear that they struggle against neo-liberal globalisation, in
themselves are not clear whether it is a struggle
against a
form of capitalism or capitalism in general (9).
What is
further interesting about these global counter-hegemonic movements is that they
represent a break with (Western) left
traditions: although they include movements from the North, their orientation
is South-facing; they do not comfortably conform to the traditional Left/Right ideological
divide (often as skeptical of social democracy as they are of Marxism); their theoretical
foundation is based on the concept that there are always alternatives – hence their
positioning as counter-hegemonic.
Globalisation’s
winners and losers
137. There are three other themes worth mentioning emerging
from the debate about
globalisation.
The first arises from the analysis of globalisation’s ‘winners and losers’,
that once
again brings focus to the issue of inequality, not only between nations and
regions, but
within countries, developed and developing alike. There is general
agreement
that the world has the productive capacity and resources to meet the basic
needs of the
current global population, yet there remains the fundamental issue of the
distribution
of the spoils.
138. We have therefore seen a renewed focus on ‘social
cohesion’, the need for mitigating
factors in
the face of inequality as well as the debate about redistribution policies. The
global
financial crisis, with its exposure of the excesses of those at the top, who
then
expect
ordinary tax-payers to bail them out while they continue to evade taxes, has
raised this
matter even sharper. South Africa needs to be part of the community of
nations that
contribute towards finding solutions to this vexing issue of inequality.
A new lost
generation?
139. The second is the impact of globalisation on young people.
While technology has opened the world to the new generations of young people in
developed and developing worlds alike, successive ILO Global Employment Trends for Youth reports have drawn attention to
the ever worsening employment situation of young people, with one in three
between the ages of 18 and 24 unemployed, and the rate of youth unemployment
remaining consistent at three times that of the rate for adults. The global
youth employment rate has dropped 8% over the last twenty years (1991-2011). In
the developed world, with
youth
constituting one out of every four of the long-term unemployed, they are now
talking about
a ‘lost generation’.
Globalisation
as a gendered phenomenon
140. Globalisation as a gendered phenomenon means that it
affects men and women
differently
and that the socio-economic changes it brought about also affects the power
relations
involved in masculine domination (10). In this regard, the following trends are
highlighted.
The first is the feminisation of labour over the last twenty years, with large
numbers of
women entering paid employment in addition to the unpaid and subsistence
work they
provide in the family and community. This is seen as an outflow of
globalisation,
the shift towards the services sector and towards informalisation and
flexibility
of employment. Employers deliberately seek to employ women workers
because they
are seen as more docile than men, they are paid lower wages, work in
worse
conditions and with much greater job insecurity.
141. The second trend is the feminisation of poverty, with
women more likely to be and stay
poor, with
over 70% of the world’s poor being female. As Mary Hawkesworth shows (11)
“the
reduction in the number of state employees affects women disproportionately as
they tend to
be the ones working in social welfare agencies, schools and hospitals. At
the same
time, the parts of the state that are not negatively affected by privatisation
tend to be
male dominated: police, military, commerce and finances. In this sense,
structural
adjustment policies contribute to a ‘regendering of the state’ on the basis of
male
privilege. Additionally, the loss of jobs in the formal (formally contracted
and paid)
economy tends
to push women into the informal sector (informalisation) with low pay
and no
recognition.”
142. The final trend is that of women and migration, which this
quote from Hawkesworth
illustrates:
“[S]ome 60 million women, drawn predominantly from poor nations,
constitute a
mobile labour force criss-crossing the globe in search of livelihood. Certain
migratory
circuits have been well-mapped: South Asia to the Middle East, former Soviet
states to
Western Europe, Mexico and Central America to Canada and the United States,
and Africa to
Europe.” These migrants are usually employed as domestic workers, care
workers or
sex workers, because of what Ehrenreich and Hochschild (12) call the ‘care
deficit.’
With the increase of women in the workforce in richer countries, someone else
has to take
on the care they can no longer perform. This care deficit is the pull factor
that attracts
migrant women to core countries. At the same time, the care deficit exists
because, as
women took on jobs outside of the house, men have not increased their
participation
in housework. On average, a woman still spends 15 hours more than a
male partner
on housework, not counting childcare. In this sense, the availability of
migrant women
has not only allowed women in wealthy countries to join the workforce
(they have
already done that for both personal and economic reasons), but it has
allowed men
to not take on their share of housework (13).
143. Thus while the first waves of the feminist and women
movements have seen advances
globally in
terms of greater awareness of women’s and gender issues reflected in policy
and legal
reforms, globalisation has added new dimensions and there has been a global
backlash
(including in South Africa). This backlash has taken the form of a return to
‘family
values’ of the religious and cultural right. More fundamentally, despite
increasing
labour market
participation of women, very little has changed in terms of patriarchal
relations of
production and reproduction. All countries across the globe report
widespread
feminisation of poverty and inequality and persistent gender disparities in
income and
ownership, to the extent that it was a conservative government in Norway
that had to
introduce forced quotas for company boards.
144. Despite these challenges, the Beijing movement continues
to provide a focus for
women’s and
gender struggles across the globe, with the women’s organisations and
movements
from the South, including Africa, making important strides, as reflected in
the adoption
of gender policies guiding SADC and AU institutions and countries.
Prospects for
the regeneration of Africa in the 21st century
145. What are the implications of the global balance of power
for Africa and what prospects
are there for
Africa’s regeneration in the new century?
146. At the beginning of the last century, African
intellectuals and leaders articulated their
own
perspectives on the future of the African continent. Despite the spectre of
colonial
conquest,
such perspectives were extremely far-sighted and eternally optimistic. In his
1906 seminal
article on the Regeneration of Africa, Pixley ka Isaka Seme articulated a
powerful
vision of a new post-colonial Africa:
“The brighter day is rising upon Africa…Yes the
regeneration of Africa belongs to this new
and powerful period…The African people possess a
common fundamental sentiment
which is everywhere manifest…crystallizing into one
common controlling idea…the
regeneration of Africa means that a new and unique
civilization is soon to be added to
the world”.
147. In the Wretched of the
Earth, written in 1961, Frantz Fanon expressed his total rejection of
European civilization and modernity as the model that must be emulated by
postcolonial African states:
“We today can do everything, so long as we do not
imitate Europe, so long as we are not
obsessed by the desire to catch up with Europe…Yet it
is true that we need a model, and
that we want blueprints and examples…When I search for
Man in the technique and the
styles of Europe, I see only a succession of negations
of man, and an avalanche of
murders. The human condition, plans for mankind and
collaboration between men in
those tasks which increase the sum total of humanity
are new problems, which demand
true inventions. Let us decide not to imitate Europe;
let us combine our muscles and our
brains in a new direction. Let us try to create the
whole man, whom Europe has been
incapable of bringing to the triumphant birth.”
148. Kwame Nkrumah, the founding Prime Minister of Ghana,
Africa’s first independent state, had this to say about his vision for a united
and progressive Africa in his 1961 book, I
Speak of Freedom:
“Divided we are weak; united, Africa could become one
of the greatest forces for good in
the world. I believe strongly and sincerely that with
the deep-rooted wisdom and dignity,
the innate respect for human lives, the intense
humanity that is our heritage, the African
race, united under one federal government, will emerge
not as just another world bloc to
flaunt its wealth and strength, but as a Great Power
whose greatness is indestructible
because it is built not on fear, envy and suspicion,
nor won at the expense of others, but
founded on hope, trust, friendship and directed to the
good of all mankind.”
149. The first generation of African freedom fighters and
leaders of the independence
movement was
very critical of the excesses of western civilization and modernity. Their
experiences
of the brutality of slavery, colonialism, imperialism neo-colonialism
foreground
their attitude to “European modernity” and “western civilisation”. They did
not want
post-colonial and independent Africa to model itself along the lines of
European
modernity, as
they saw in this system exploitation of those who are different in terms of
race, class
and gender. They wanted to industrialise and modernise their societies in a
manner that
reinforces the humanist and progressive foundations of traditional African
societies.
This is the new civilization and modernity that Seme, Nkrumah and Fanon
spoke about.
150. On matters pertaining to international relations, the
first generation of African freedom
fighters
articulated a view that Africa was an equal partner and important player. They
were critical
of the colonial and imperialist narrative that sought to project everything
African as
backward and inferior. They held a view that Africa has played an important
role in the
evolution of human civilization and progressive modernity. They had a shared
belief and an
optimistic view that Africa had something better to offer humanity.
151. Of course, the past half century of neo-colonial plunder
and political mismanagement
has destroyed
the dream of our forebears. By the time of our transition to democracy,
the failure
of the post-colonial state and the plunder of Africa’s natural resources by
political
elites dominated the public discourse and narratives on Africa. The
preindependence
African dream
of a new Africa that places humanity and people’s interests
at the
centre, was severely undermined by the incompetence, greed and corruption of
the
self-serving political and business elites. This contributed to the continued
marginalisation
of the continent and the pathological Afro-pessimism that is the
dominant
attitude about anything African.
152. The liberation of Namibia and South Africa and the third
wave of democratisation that
also swept
through our continent provided an opportunity to chart a different course for
the
continent. The articulation that a different Africa is possible, through the
concept of
an African
renaissance, saw the transformation of our continental institutions of
governance,
the reduction of violent conflicts and military rule, and a renewed
commitment to
African development and integration. Although this is not uncontested,
our continent
began engaging with the world increasingly on its own terms. The African
continent of
today is at a qualitatively different stage than at the start of our
transition.
153. There is therefore now irrefutable evidence that Africa’s
prospects have changed
positively
over the past decade. What is even more exciting is that there are real
indications
and scientific data showing that the vision of both Seme and Nkrumah seems
more possible
in the next three-to-five decades than in the previous century. These
indications
are directly related to the dynamics in the global economy.
154. What are some of the emerging positive trends that
position Africa as the next big
investment
frontier over the next 50 years? The following macro-trends are worth taking
note of:
• After
China and India, Africa is the next biggest investment frontier for American
and
European
businesses trying to escape the pitfalls of government budget cuts,
shrinking
incomes, ageing populations and saturated markets.
• By
2032, Africa’s population is likely to overtake that of China and India. By
2050,
Africa could
have a more youthful, skilled workforce than China and India, and thus
become more
attractive to even Chinese and Indian businesses, in addition to Anglo-
American
businesses.
• Africa’s
GDP has shown impressive growth in the past decade. It is the third fastest
growing
region after Asia and the Middle East. It is now roughly equal to that of
Russia or
Brazil (US$1.6 trillion in 2008) and will increase to US$2.6 trillion in 2015.
Africa’s 900
million people had a purchasing power of $860 billion in 2008, more than
India’s 1.2
billion people. Between 2007 and 2010, it was only the continents of
Africa and
Asia that had positive growth rates.
• The
International Monetary Fund (IMF) reports that 47 sub-Saharan countries
experienced a
growth rate of more than 5% in 2010 during the global recession,
while
Ethiopia, Mozambique, Angola and Rwanda each rose by more than 10%.
• Africa’s
commodity boom, infrastructure development and agriculture are the key
drivers of
its growth. Retail, telecommunications, energy, financial services and food
production
are key sectors fueling the African economy.
• What
accounts for Africa’s impressive growth rates are the following factors:
population
growth, urbanisation, improved macroeconomic management, relative
political
stability, growth in remittances and foreign investment, more effective
foreign aid,
and debt relief.
• Over
the past decade, the volume of trade between Africa and Asia has increased
from 13% in
1990 to 28% in 2010, while trade between Africa and Europe has
decreased
from 51% to 28% in the same period. In the same period, 50% of Africa’s
trade is with
Asia, Brazil and the Middle East as opposed to 28% in 1990.
155. Thus, as global economic power begins to shift from the
west to the east, Africa’s geopolitical position is assuming greater
significance. The current economic crisis in the
developed
countries and the rise of China and India are two macro trends that work to
Africa’s
advantage, given the continent’s natural resource endowments and the
demographic
profile of its workforce. The renewed geo-political interest in Africa,
especially
its natural resources and potential markets, is leading to fresh attempts by
former
colonial and other global powers to reclaim the ground we have gained in terms
of African
self-determination, as reflected in Cote d’Ivoire, Libya and more recently in
the
contest for
the soul of the African Union. This requires of the ANC and other progressive
forces to
ensure that we indeed make progress with the transformation of this important
continental
instrument, and that we have a deliberate and long term programme to build
the core of
progressive forces, and the widest range of unity to take forward the
socioeconomic and political development of the continent.
156. The principal problem of the African revolution is that of
social agency. The underdevelopment of this subjective factor is the biggest
drawback. The objective conditions
for the 21st century to be an African Century are
maturing. However, the political
organisation
of the progressive forces is lagging behind.
157. Unless the
continent positions itself strategically, what is evidently appearing to be the
advent of the African Century will
become another century of missed and wasted
opportunity. The African masses,
political leaders and intellectuals should rally and build
a new movement for the renewal and
regeneration of the continent. We need to
summon the courage and foresight of
the first generation of freedom fighters and
eliminate the legacy neo-colonialism
on our shores. We need to build a new generation
of African political and civil
society leadership that will serve the interests of the masses
and ensure that growth and
development serves the interests of the people.
158. In this
regard, the African political and economic institutions need a new
institutional
firepower. Democracy, good governance
and putting the interests of the citizens first
must receive the utmost attention of
the political leadership and institutions. Building
sound democratic institutions,
investing in human development and promoting peaceful
development across the entire
continent will enhance development prospects.
159. Furthermore,
if Africa is set to be the new investment frontier of the world, South Africa has
to position itself more strategically to take full advantage of the changing
balance of economic forces and shifts in global production, answering such questions
as: How much
is Africa on our radar screen? How
many patriotic entrepreneurs are pathfinders in the
unexplored and under-serviced African
markets? How many of our state-owned
enterprises have made the continent
their investment frontier?
160. The ANC
must contribute towards the building of new African progressive forces that
will be equal to the task of the new century. It is no longer enough to only
bank on
yesteryear’s liberation movements.
The West has re-established its hegemony in parts of
Africa. Our task is to rebuild a
purposeful unity among the old and new like-minded
forces. It is in this context that
the ANC has to wake to the reality that unless it positions
itself wisely, others will seek to
define the future of the continent without us.
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